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A RELATION 



OF 



A VOYAGE TO SAGADAHOC 



NOW FIRST PRINTED FROM THE 



©rigmal JHanuscript fn tlje Hamftetf) ^alac£ Hlftrars 



Edited with Preface Notes and Appendix 



REV. B. F. DECOSTA 



CAMBRIDGE 
JOHN WILSON AND SON 

Sauibcrsttg Press 
1880 



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yj-fe<a^ from. -f-Lt /^^oa-cL , ^^ "^tAil ^ 



TAo ffe/ioe^p^' PziiUin^C 



'iHi 



A RELATION 



OF 



A VOYAGE TO SAGADAHOC 



NOW FIRST PRINTED FROM THE 



©rigtnal fHanuscript m tfje ILamfeetf) Palace 3Libtarg 



Edited with Preface Notes and Appendix 



REV. B. F. DECOSTA 




CAMBRIDGE 
JOHN WILSON AND SON 

SJnilJcrsitg ^vcsa 
1880 



t.,. 



3U« 



NOTE. 

The following journal of a voyage to Sagadahoc was 
communicated to the Massachusetts Historical Society, and 
appears in their Proceedings for May, 1880. 

The editor is very greatly indebted to Mr. Charles Deane, 
the Corresponding Secretary of the Society, through whom it 
was communicated, for his careful supervision of the work 
as it went through the press. 

A small edition has been printed apart from the Proceed- 
ings, for private distribution. 

B. F. D. 

New Yoek, August, 1880. 



THE RELATION 

OF A VOYAGE UNTO NEW 
f ENGLAND 

[ BEGAN FROM THE LIZARD Y^ FIRST OF 

I JUNE 1607. 

BY CAPTN POPHAM IN YE SHIP Y^ GIFT 

[AND] 

CAPTN GILBERT IN Y^ MARY AND JOHN: 
WRITTEN BY 

' & FOUND AMONG Y^ PAPERS OF Y^ TRULY WOR^p^ul 

S? FERDINANDO GORGES K^t 

{ BY ME 

f WILLIAM GRIFFITH. 

[This is not the title given by the author, but was prefixed to the manu- 
script at a later period.] 



RELATION 



YOYAGE TO SAGADAHOC. 



EDITORIAL PREFACE. 

In the year 1849 the Hakluyt Society published Strachey's work 
entitled •' The Historie of Travaile unto Virginia Britannia," edited by 
R. H. Major, Esq. Chapters VIII., IX., and X. contained an account 
of the Popham Colony, planted in the year 1G07, at the mouth of the 
Kennebec River. Prior to the appearance of that work, but few of 
the details respecting the colony were known. In 1852 the portion of 
Strachey's " Historie " which included the story of the colony was 
reprinted, with additional notes, in the Collections of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society (4th ser. vol. i. p. 219). The following year four 
chapters of the same jjart of the " Historic " were printed with new 
notes in the Collections of the Maine Historical Society (vol. iii. 
p. 286). In 1862 the Maine Society held a celebration on the site of 
the ancient colony, publishing the proceedings, during the following 
year, in a " Memorial Volume." Subsequently, certain features of the 
undertaking were discussed by several writers in the Boston daily 
press. In 1866 a number of the articles thus given to the public 
were reprinted, and a bibliography of the subject was added. No 
essentially new facts, however, were laid before the public. 

This manuscript was found by the writer in the summer of 1875, 
while engaged in a careful search for historical material. It is now 
given to the public entire for the first time. By a comparison of the 
narrative with Strachey's, it will be seen that the manuscript, or at 
least a tolerable copy, must have passed through his hands, forming 
indeed the principal source of his knowledge respecting the Popham 
Colony. Portions of the maimscript were copied by him almost ver- 
batim, though other portions were either epitomized or omitted. 

Upon the titlepage of the manuscript, subsequently prefixed to it, 
the author's name is wanting, but we incline to the opinion, upon the 
evidence given below, that it was written by James Davies, one of the 
Council of the colony. The account partially covers the voyage of two 



ships, the " Gift of God " and the " Mary aud John," to the Kennebec 
in 1007, together with a relation of many events which immediately 
followed. Unfortunately, the closing portion of the manuscript has 
disappeared. This mutilation must have occurred since Strachey 
■wrote, as a continuation of the narrative is found in that writer's 
" Historie." Concerning Strachey himself, comparatively little is 
known, though he was Secretary to the Virginia Colony in 1609-10. 
Besides his w^ork on the " Laws of Virginia," published at Oxford, 
in 1612, he wrote the very interesting account, in Purchas, of the 
shipwreck of Gates at Bermuda, and narrated subsequent events in 
Virginia. Of his " Historie of Travaile," he left two copies in manu- 
script, both referred to by Mr. Major, one of which is preserved in the 
British Museum, and the other in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. 
The latter copy lacks the intercalated sketches made on the coast of 
Maine. From the Oxford manuscript we have drawn the portion 
corresponding with the lost pages of the narrative, which forms the 
conclusion of Strachey's "Historie," at pp. 176-180 of the printed 
volume. 

This interesting narrative of " A Voyage unto New England " is 
now preserved among the treasures of Lambeth Palace Library, Lon- 
don, bound up in the middle of a quarto volume of manuscripts that 
bear no sj^ecial relation to the subject of the voyage. The manuscript, 
however, may be traced very easily in the catalogue. It is numbered 
800. The writer was very agreeably surprised one day, when, in the 
course of searching for material, he came upon the narrative. Appli- 
cation was at once made for permission to copy it for publication, the 
request being very kindly granted by Dr. Tait, the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, whose authorization is essential before works of this kind 
can be thus used. A sort of titlepage has been prefixed to the manu- 
script, in an early hand, by a former possessor, reciting that it was 
found among the papers of Sir Ferdinando Gorges by one William 
Gritiith. Gorges died in 1647, and we can hardly suppose that his 
papers would have been subject to overhauling before that event took 
place. 

The manuscript was difficult to decipher, owing to the peculiarity of 
the chirography, but there is every reason to suppose that the work has 
been performed faithfully, as it was done by a copyist selected by the 
obliging Librarian, Mr. S. W. Kershaw. 

As to the authorship of the narrative, Strachey, in his " Historie " 
(p. 105) relates that, on a certain occasion "The pilot, Captain R. 
Davies, with twelve others, rowed into the bay," &c. In our manu- 
script, however, which Strachey used, the author at this place says, 
" Myself was with 12 others," &c. This shows that the name, " Cap- 
tain R. Davies," was here inserted by Sti-achey, on his supposition 
that Robert Davies was the author of the narrative, and was here 
describing these incidents. Yet Purchas (vol. v. p. 830), who had this 
manuscript, and quotes briefly from it, as well as from those of other 
Sagadahoc colonists, places the name of " James Davies " in the mar- 
gin, as the author of it. Here is apparently conflicting evidence. 



9 

Ajijain, the writer of the narrative frequently speaks of himself, as he 
did in the above instance, in the first person, as "myself," and we miglit 
fairly infer that he adhered to this metliyod. Under the date of Sep- 
tember o, in describing another incident, lie introduces the names of 
" Captain Gilbert, James Davies, and Captain Best," wliicli would 
seem to show that " James Davies," one of the persons named, was 
not '' myself," the author. It should be added, that the writer, while 
giving their titles to Gilbert and Best, simply gives the name " James 
Davies " without any title, as one writing his own name might do. 

Robert Davies and James Davies are both spoken of by Strachey 
and by Smith as " Captains," and as members of the colonial Council ; 
and, so far as we know of the relative character and position of the two 
men, and we know but little, one would be as likely to have written the 
narrative as the other. If we had full evidence that Robert Davies 
was the author, we should not be surprised to find no detailed account 
of the colony by him during the winter, or during the period of his 
absence from Sagadahoc, — namely.from the 15th of December, when he 
re-embarked in the '' Mary and John," as its commander, for England, 
till his return in the following spring, with fresh supplies, when all the 
remaining colonists went back to England. The brief account we 
have in the concluding part of the narrative, as shown by what 
Strachey has preserved, might well have been gathered up by Captain 
Robert Davies on his return to the colony, in 1G08, and added to the 
previous account. 

Of course it will be understood that Strachey did not derive from 
our narrative the statement, on page 178 of his " Historie," that Cap- 
tain Robert Davies was despatched away to England in the " Mary and 
John," '' soon after their first arrival." The colony arrived in the early 
part of August, and the " Mai'y and John " sailed for home Decem- 
ber 15 following, more than four months after their arrival, bearing the 
letter of Captain Popham to the king. 

Whoever the author may have been, it would appear, from his own 
account, at least, that he was a man of some importance ; for as the 
" Mary and John," on the voyage hither, was approaching Gratiosa, 
he opposed the opinion of the master and his mates, who thought the 
island was Flores : '• Myself withstood them and reproved them." 
Possibly the " master " of the " Mary and John " on her voyage hither 
was Robert Davies, whom Strachey calls "• the pilot," the commander 
or captain being Raleigh Gilbert. The opinion of Purchas, that James 
Davies was the author of our manuscript, is entitled to great weight, 
and should perhaps control the evidence. 

Strachey must have known both these persons, subsequently, in the 
southern colony of Virginia. One of the vessels which accompanied 
the fleet hither in 1609, on which voyage Gates and Somers were 
wrecked at Bermuda, was the '' ' Virginia,' which was built in the 
North Colony," in which " Captain Davies " and " Master Davies " 
were the chief officers. Surely these can be no other than our Saga- 
dahoc acquaintances. Strachey embarked in the " Sea-Adventure," 
with Gates and Somers. We find " Captain James Davies " mentioned 

2 



10 

in a letter of Slrachey, written from Yiroinia in the following year, 
as connnandor of " Algeruoone Furt," upon Point Comfort.* 

Concerning the valne of the nnmnscript in Lambeth I'alace Librar^'^ 
there can be no question; and it shows very distinctly tliat Sirachey 
had good authority for the principal part of his narrative relating to 
the Sagadahoc Colony. He used other authorities also, perhaps one 
or more of those cited by Purchas in his brief abstract before men- 
tioned. Strachey's whole book, ''llistorie of Travaile," which em- 
braces an account of the Southern Colony as well, is a compilation, 
thouiih he probably drew somewhat upon his own experience in his 
narrative of the latter. 

Strachey made some blunders in his summary of our manuscript, 
but his errors were certainly unintentional. He used the work of 
Davies without credit, as he did the journals of Gosuold, Pring, and 
Rosier, but this was in accordance with the custom of the time. 

This manuscript we now print is also of value, for the reason that 
it gives new facts of considerable interest, and leads to a better under- 
standing of the enterprise. 

In giving this narrative to the press, it has been thought best to 
modernize the ortliograi>hy in those instances where it differed from 
that of our own day, iuasnuich as it often represented the spelling of 
no particular perioil. Proper names have been alloweil to stanil as 
written. 

At the beginning of the seventeenth century, voyagers to the New 
England coast were still indulging in golden dreams, while at the same 
time searching for a short passage to the Indies in a region where the 
breadth of an entire continent barred the way. In the order of Provi- 
dence, however, these shores were destined to become the field of a 
nobler cpiest : and. among scenes hitherto frequented only by maritime 
adventurers, English colonists were destined to find a home, and lay 
the foundations of a prosperous connnonwealth. The attempt to estab- 
lish the colony at Sagadahoc pointed to tliis conclusion. 

The first known voyage to New England in the seventeenth century 
was that of Gosuold. who named Cape Cod, and spent some weeks at 
Cnttyhunk. on the southern coast of Massachusetts.t In IGOo Martin 
Pring, with two vessels, lay for several weeks in Plymouth Ilarbor.J 

On Easter Sunday, May 15, IGOo, Cajitain Wayniouth sailed from 
Dartmouth, England, with intentions that have never been sufficiently 
explained, sighting land in latitude 4V 20' N. The coast of Cape 
Cod appearing dangerous, and having a head wind, he did not attempt 
the southern course. He was also in need of wood and water, and, 
moreover, being of an irresolute disposition, he concluded to sail with 
the wind. As the result, on the 18th he found the island now known 



* Purchas, vol. iv. pp. 1733, 1748 ; Neill, Virsinia Company of Loudon, pp. 
30, 37, 4y. 

t Historical and Genealogical Register, for Jan. 1878, p. 7G. 
$ Ibid. p. 79. 



11 

as Monhegan, under which he anchored, lioping tliat it would prove 
the " most fortunate ever discovered." Afterward he reached a har- 
bor which he called "Pentecost" and explored a great distance the 
river which, in the opinion of the writer, was that now known as the 
Kennebec, where he set up a cross and took possession in the name ot 
King James. 

The advantages derived from Monhegan certainly proved consider- 
able, but Sir Ferdinando Gorges lays the stress upon another point, 
and affirms that the savages captured by Waymouth and carried to 
England, and trained for future service, were the means " under God, 
of putting on foot and giving life to all our plantations." What he 
learned from them encouraged him to use his influence with Sir John 
Popham ; and, finally, by their joint efforts, the king was induced to 
grant two ])atents, one for the London Company and one for the Ply- 
mouth Company ; both being under a general governing body com- 
posed of thirteen persons, called the '' Council of Virginia." The 
territory of the London Company included the regions between 34° 
and 41° N., and that of Plymouth SH° and 45° N. They were enti- 
tled to coin money, impose taxes and duties, and exercise a general 
government for twenty-one years.* The value of Wayraouth's voy- 
age, therefore, cannot be questioned, and in no inferior sense may he be 
regarded as one of the founders of New England. It was under this 
patent that the Popham Colony was undertaken at the mouth of the 
Kennebec, then known as Sagadahoc. 

It is true that the men who undertook the enterprise did not possess 
the deliberate purpose essential to immediate success. Nevertheless 
this may be viewed as preparatory to the scheme afterward unfolded 
on the New England coast. The enterprise was inaugurated in 1606. 
Some of the notices of this event, however, are contradictory. Strachey 
says that Sir John Popham "prepared a tall ship well furnished," 
which set sail from Plymouth under one " Haines, jMaister," who took 
as " Captaine " one " Martin Prin," and that the ship was ca2)tured by 
the Spaniards at the Azores. t But the siiip was not captured there, 
neither was Pring on board. Sir Ferdinando Gorges states that he 
himself sent out a ship inider Captain Challons, with orders to keep 
to the northward as far as Cape Breton, and then sail southward to 
Sagadahoc ; but that, when the vessel reached the Azores, Challons 
fell sick, and his subordinates took the responsibility of sailing by the 
way of the West Indies, where they were captured by the Spaniards 
and carried to Spain. J The account of Stoneman the Pilot indicates 
that they were carried southwai-d by the wind, and so captured and 
sent to Spain. Stoneman reached England Sejjtember 18, and reported 
to Sir Ferdinando.§ 

* Hazard, vol. i. p. 50. 

t " Historie of Travaile," p. 162. 

t " Brief Narration of the Original Undertakings of the Advancement of 
Plantations," in 8 Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. vi. pp. 51, 52, and " Brief Relation " of 
President and Council, in 2 Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. ix. p. 3. 

§ Stoneman gives a revolting picture of the barbarities of the Spaniards. 



12 

But so earnest were the movers in this enterprise, that, before 
hearing of tlie fate of Challons another ship was sent out. The 
"President and Council" say tliat Thomas Ilanam was captain, and 
" Martine Prine," master. This was Pring who made the voyage of 
1603. On reaching the coast of Maine, Pring failed to find Challons, 
but Gorges says that he made " a perfect discovery of all those rivers 
and harbors." In fact, it was the most exact exploration that ever 
came into his hands.* Hanam also wrote a journal, which Purchas 
used. He says that Hanam, who sailed to Sagadahoc, '' relateth of 
their beasts, dogs like wolves, of colors black, white, red, grisled : 
red deer, and a beast bigger, called the mus, &c., of their fowls, 
fishes, trees : of some ore proved to be silver. Bashabes hath many 
under-Captains called Sogamos: their houses built with witlis and 
covered over with mats, six or seven paces long. He expresseth also 
the names of their twelve moons or months : as January, Musse- 
keshod, February, Gignokiakeshos," &c. f 

Reaching the year 1GU7, there are yet some conflicting statements. 
The memory of Gorges is at fault when he says that '• three sail of 
ships" were employed. The number of "landmen" he puts at one 
hundred, but in this he does not include Captains Popham and Gil- 
bert, and " divers other gentlemen of note." Smith makes the same 
statement as to the number of persons. The " Brief Relation " of the 
President and Council gives the same number of " landmen," but 
properly mentions only two ships, while Strachey says that there were 
" one hundred and twenty persons and planters." The author of this 
journal, our principal guide in the expedition, does not mention the 
strength of the colonists. There wei-e no women. 

Sailing from Plymouth the last day of May, 1G07, and from the 
Lizard, June 1, at six o'clock in the afternoon, at the ei)d of twenty- 
four days the expedition reached the Azores. Here the principal 
ship, the '' Mary and John," had a narrow escape from the Nether- 
landers, who seized Captain Gilbert and charged him with being a 
pirate. 

In the mean while Captain Popham, who commanded the fly boat 
called the " Gift of God," paid no attention to the signals of distress 
made by Gilbert's crew, and finally sailed away, apparently either ig- 
norant or careless of what was transpiring. After escaping from the 
Netherlanders, Gilbert also stood to sea, and crossed the ocean alone, 
sighting the coast of Nova Scotia, July 28. His landfall, however, 
has been stated incorrectly by every writer who has touched upon the 
subject. The earliest opinion, encouraged by Smith, placed the land- 
fall at Mouhegan, but after the publication of Strachey's work, it was 

See Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1832. Also letter of Gorges to Cliallons. Cal. State 
Papers, Colo., under March lo, 1607. Folsom gives the wrong date in his Docu- 
ments relating to Maine (p. 1), where Gorges calls the leader of the voyage 
" Chalinge," though in the Brief Narration it is " Clialloung." Purclias writes, 
" Challons," and " Chalenge." 

* " IJrief Narration," chap. v. 

t Purchas, vol. v. p. 830. 



13 

supposed by some to have been Mount Desert, while the " Cape " wliich 
appears so prominently in the narrative was regarded as Small Point, 
These were little better than guesses. 

The apjiroach to the hind, and the subsequent movements of the 
"Mary and John," are described particularly by the author of the nar- 
rative we now i)rint, who was on this ship. Gilbert crossed the south- 
ern edge of Grand l^ank and passed thence to Sable Bank. According 
to the soundings, he did not run very far south of Sable Island. Next 
he stood west-north-west, looking for the land two or three days ; but 
having a light breeze he made only thirty-six leagues. July 30 the 
land was seen to the north-west, distant about ten leagues. Failing to 
reach the coast before night, he " struck a hull," so that it was not until 
three o'clock the next afternoon that the ship got in upon anchorage. 
The island under which Gilbert anchored in the storm-tossed " Mary 
and John " lay in 44° 20' N. It was "Ironbound," lying in the well- 
known harbor or river of La Heve. This place was visited in the 
autumn of the same year by Lescarbot, then on his way home. 

The testimony which covers this subject is unanswerable, yet its 
character has escaped attention. The pilot had a fair opportunity for 
making his observations, and that fact alone gave a good clew. The 
name of the port, " Emannet," indeed afforded no help, but the name 
of the chief in authority there was '■* Messamott," a fact stated by 
Strachey. Who, therefore, was " Messamott " ? Lescarbot tells us 
that he was a travelled Sagamore, known on the continent as the 
Sagamore of La Heve. He had been the guest of Grandmont in 
France. The summer before the Popham colonists arrived, lie sailed 
to Saco with Champlain to arrange a peace with his enemies. Les- 
carbot celebrates his pi'owess in " The Muses of New France," and in 
his narrative, probably borrowed from Champdore. 

The highland seen by Gilbert when out at sea was the well-known 
landfall of La Heve. It was the port made by Champlain in 1G()4.* 
The general description of Champlain also agrees with that of our 
aulhor. Lescarbot speaks of the abundance of gooseberries found later 
in the season. 

The " Mary and John " lay here over Sunda}^, where divine wor- 
ship was doubtless celebrated by the chaplain ; and at midnight, Gil- 
bert took a fair north-east breeze and ran down the coast south-west. 
The next day many islands were seen. The wind being light, they 
delayed to catch fish ; hence Cape Sable was not reached until the 
morning of August 4. The journal describes its well-known white 
rocks, though the latitude is given as only 43° N. After rounding 
the cape, they found a " great deep bay," the Bay of Fundy, and 
sailing thence seven leagues in a westerly direction they made " three 
Illands," the well-known Seal Islands, almost exactly seven leagues 
from the cape, with the Horseshoe Ledge nearly a league to the south- 
west. Gilbert, knowing his ground, sailed confidently for Sagadahoc, 
until, supposing that he had gone far enough south, he held in north- 

* " CEuvres," tome v. p. 50. 



14 

erly, expecting to see the high land. On the afternoon of August 5, the 
Camden Hills appeared, the three double peaks of which rose above 
the waves, and were sketched by the writer, who thought them ten 
miles away, but recognized them as the Penobscot Range. He also 
observes that this is the first land seen after leaving the cape, beino- 
thirty-four hours on the way, evidently with little wind. 

Standing in toward the west, they next sighted three islands, lying 
east and west, whose white rocks shone ''like unto Dover clifts," 
the Matinicus group, which, on this course, appear as three. Strachey 
adds, evidently quoting an exact authority, "There lyeth so-west from 
the easternmost of the three islands a white rocky island." This is 
Matinicus Rock, which now bears a lighthouse. 

Coming nearer the mountains and to the westward of Matinicus, 
two of the double peaks already seen rose from the waves, each becom- 
ing one. Thence the " Mary and John " held westward eight leagues, 
and sighted three other islands, Monhegan, Metinic, and Burnt Island, 
the outer of the Georges group. Under Monhegan, an island already 
visited and named by Champlain "Ship Island" {La Nef), Gilbert 
dropped anchor. 

The succeeding movements of the expedition are tolerably plain, 
but the outward voyage is now interpreted for the first time. The 
statements of the journal, when understood, agree with the actual 
courses, and prove that the master, Robert Davies, or whoever he may 
have been, was a correct and observing navigator. The modern coast 
pilot is hardly more clear. 

Landing upon the Island of Monhegan, named by Waymouth St, 
George, a cross was found " set up," the author says, as " we sup- 
iwse " by Waymouth. In this, however, the company were doubtless 
at fault, yet the supposition has been accepted as a fact, and has led 
to much confusion in connection with the voyage of Waymouth. It 
may have been set up by Pring, who, in 1606, made his exploration 
of Sagadahoc, and probably sailed to Waymouth's landfall ; or by 
Champlain, in the autumn of 1604. 

The^ next morning, to their great joy, they were joined by the 
" Gift," now seen for the first time since they parted at the Azores. 
There was no room, however, for recrimination. At midnight, Gil- 
bert left Monhegan, where the two vessels lay at anchor, and with a 
dozen men, including the Indian " Skidwarres," a name, asccording to 
Rosier, signifying a "gentleman," rowed to Pemaquid, moving with 
measured stroke among the "gallant islands " that Hung down their 
shadows upon the calm tide. Lauding, and crossing Pemaquid 
Point, they reached an Indian village, and met Nahanada a Saga- 
more, one of the Indians captured by Waymouth, and who had been 
returned by Pring the previous year. This chief, though at first 
alarmed, received the English with joy, after which Gilbert returned 
to his ship. The next day being Sunday, the members of the expe- 
dition landed on Monhegan, and, under the shadow of the cross, 
they observed what may" be called the first English Tiianksgiving 
in New England, the preacher being the Rev. Richard Sey'inour, 



15 

who conducted services, we may well sujapose, according to the Book 
of Common Prayer.* 

Sunday being past, another visit was made to Nahanada, but with 
no result beyond the desertion of Skidwarres ; after which they sailed 
for Sagadahoc, where the " Mary and John " narrowly escaped being 
wrecked, — finally getting into harbor on Sunday forenoon, August 
16. Then followed a boat expedition up the river. Afterward a site 
was selected for the fort, and the colony didy organized, the company 
possessing all the powei's of a commonwealth. As the fort progressed, 
Digby, the shipwright, proceeded to build a pinnace, the "Virginia," 
a craft that afterward did good service on the ocean. Captain Gilbert 
also explored the Sheepscot River, and later gained the upper reaches 
of the Kennebec. 

The manuscript ends after alluding to the meeting with Sabenor, 
" Lord of the river of Sagadehock." Strachey, however, continues 
the account in language wliich indicates that he is employing the 
remainder of our narrative. At the end he adds some items perhaps 
not found in the authority which he had so liberally used. As already 
mentioned, he is clearly in error when he says that the " Mary and 
John " was sent back " soon after their tirst arrival," as the vessel 
was detained to receive the letter of President Popham addressed to 
King James, dated Dec. 13, 1607, sailing two days after. 

Strachey relates that after the departure of Davies, they finished the 
fort and built fifty houses therein, besides a church, evidently a little 
chapel, and a storehouse, " Fifty," however, is doubtless a clerical 
error for five, as in one place he puts fourteen leagues for forty. 
Five houses would have been ample for the little company, and would 
at the same time fill up all the space inside the fort. The President 
and Council speak simply of " their lodgings " ; while our author, on 
August 31, mentions only "the storehouse." Nevertheless, the fort, 
with twelve guns and seven buildings, must have appeared quite im- 
posing. 

During the winter they seem to have done some exploration, but 
the season was one of unusual severity both in Europe and America, 
and before the cold weather was over Captain Popham died. Accord- 
ing to Purchas, this event took jjlace February of The '" Brief 
Relation " says tliat this was the only man that died there, which, 
technically, may be true ; but the journal of Gilbert shows that 
" Master Patteson was slain by the Savages of Nanhoc, a River of 
the Tarentines." According to Gorges, the storehouse, containing the 
most of their provisions, was burned during the winter ; t and liar- 
low says that the " short commons caused a fear of mutiny." Never- 
theless, a considerable quantity of furs rewarded their exertions, and a 
"good store of sai'saparilla" was gathered. The colonists also finished 
their pinnace, which afterward sailed between P^ngland and Virginia. § 

* Popliam Memorial, p. 101. 

t Purclias, vol. v. p. 8:J0. | Ibid. 

§ In 160y she is mentioned as "a boat built in the north colony." See 
ante, p. 9. 



16 

Captain Gilbert, it appears, heard a story reported by David 
Ingram,* in l.J()'J, Avliere he says, "The people told our men of Canni- 
bals, near Sagadahoc, with teeth three inches long," probably deformed 
Tarrantines. The natives also reported an open sea inland, and the 
colonists believed that they were not far from China. Popliam re- 
ported the sea to King James,! ^s Verrazano reported his open sea 
to Francis I. Gilbert, not to be outdone by the nutmegs which 
Popham reported, discovered a lake of hot water. J During the win- 
ter, religious services were maintained with good results. 

Stories, originally put in circulation by tbe French, represent that 
eleven of the colonists were murdered by the Indians. Father IJiard, 
however, did not understand the Indian language, yet he says that 
when he visited Kennebec in 1611, he made inquiries about the Eng- 
lish, and was told that tliey came in 1(508, and had a kind leader who 
died, and that tiie next year the Indians quarrelled with the English, 
who attacked them with dogs and fired upon tbem with cannon. But as 
the colonists left in 1(508, they could not have been guilty of the acts 
alluded to. Tlie reference to dogs recalls circumstances connected 
with Waymouth's voyage, while the real offender probably was Henry 
Hudson, who, in 1609, entered Somes's Sound at Mount Desert, and 
there, in the most ci'uel manner, attacked and plundered the savages. § 
After getting all he could of the savages by fair means, Hudson's 
pilot says : *' In the morning we manned our scute with four muskets 
and six men, and took one of their shallops and brought it aboard. 
Then we manned our boat and scute with twelve men and nniskets 
and two stone pieces, or murderers, and drove the savages fi-om their 
houses and took the spoil of thera."|| It may have been this disgrace- 
ful and unprovoked attack by the crew of the '' Half Moon," who 
were part English and part Dutch, that has been attributed to the 
colonists at Sagadahoc. The Indians who gave the information were 
not of the local tribe, whose peaceable disposition was vouched for, in 
1616, by Brawnde ; while it was the Pemaquid chief, Samoset, who 
hailed the Plymoutli Pilgrims with the words, " Welcome, Finglish- 
men." It is hardly to be supposed that the savages around Sagadahoc 
had ever been fired upon with cannon. 

Still, though the relations of the colonists to the Indians were 
peaceful, their enterprise did not succeed ; and when Captain Da vies 
returned in the spring, he found the company greatly discouraged, 
no mines having been found, which Strachey says was " the main 



* HakUiyt, London, 1589, pp. 5.58-561. 

t Maine Hist. Coll. vol. v. p. 357. 

J I'urulias, vol. v. p. 830. 

§ Biard wrote two versions of this story. "Kelations des Je'suites," tome i. 
p. 37. Quebec, 1858 : and Carayon's " Premiere Mission," p. 70. See " Sailing 
Directions of Henry Hudson." In a boastful spirit, tlie hulians may liave 
chanifed one to clereii ; but it is more likely that tliey gave tlie account to IJiard 
in their bad French, and thus confused an. with onze, as the two words are pro- 
nounced so nearly alike. 

II Juet in Asher's " Henry Hudson," p. Gl. 



17 

intended benefit expected." The presence of Captain Gilbert was 
also required in England, and Chief Justice Popliam l)eing dead, it 
was concluded to abandon the settlement. Details of the return voy- 
age are wanting, but the colonists must have gone home in a ship that 
was well furnished with every tiling needed to maintain them in the 
new world. The pinnace was also used on the leturn passage. 

" This," says Strachey, '" was the end of that northern colony upon 
the River Sachadehoc." 2s o mention is afterward made of any 
return of the Englisli ; and the only recorded visit is that of the 
French in the autumn of 1611, where no resident was found, the 
paths leading to the fort being untrodden. Biard says that, in com- 
pany with Biencourt, he reached the Kennebec from the east, Octo- 
ber 28. Entering the harbor where, in 1607, Popham had moored 
the " Gift " and the " Mary and John," the French were all animation, 
and at once hastened to view the stronghold built by the English. 
As tliey approached the works they knew they were safe, all things 
indicating the absence of occupants. Biard writes: " Straightway all 
our people landed, desirous to see the fort of the English, because we 
had learned from the paths that no person was there. At first they 
beo-an to praise and extol the enterprise of the English, and to enu- 
merate the advantages of the place " ; soon, however, he testifies, they 
saw the situation with a military eye, and discovered that the ground 
was badly chosen, as another fort, properly placed, would have cut 
them off from both the river and the sea.* 

Such is the only known description of the place written at that 
period. The French were evidently impressed by the magnitude of 
the work. It indicated enterprise, and proved that the builders 
wrought with regard to something more than a transient occupation. 
Of the dwellings, nevertheless, Biard says nothing. 

Smith says with reference to the enterprise, " They all returned for 
England in the y'eere 1608, and thus tlie plantation was begun and 
ended in one yeere, and the country esteemed as a cold, barren, moun- 
tainous desert." Gorges also says, " They all resolved to (juit the 
place and with one consent to [come] away."t The President and 
Council also say, " The whole company resolve upon nothing but 
their return with the ships." t 

Yet at all events, the English claimed the coast without qualifica- 
tion, and " Sir Francis Popham having the ships and provision which 
remained of the company, and supplying what was necessary for his 
purpose, sent divers times to the coast for trade and fishing." § In 
1611, Harlow confiscated a French ship for intruding upon the waters 
of Maine. When Biencourt sailed to the site of the colonj', it was 
expressly to attack the English, who were supposed to be there, 
though such was not the case, as already related. Smith, in 1614, 



* Carayon, p. 63. See Hist. Mag., Sept., 1866, where the French of the 
narrative is misunderstood. 

t " Brief Narrative," p. 10. t " Brief Relation," p. 3. 

§ " Brief Relation," p. 4. 

3 



18 

found one of Francis Popham's ships that had frequented the port 
opposite Monhegan for " many years," for fishing and trading in furs. 
Vines wintered in the country once, and others were known to have 
spent the cold season on INIonhegan. 

Concerning tlie character and tlie merits of the colonists of Sagada- 
hoc, there has been some warm discussion, though no established facts 
have been })roduced that reflect upon their reputation. The colonists 
were probably no better than the average men of tlieir class, yet there 
is nothing to indicate that there were any among them who re(iuired 
disciplinary treatment. The Lord Chief Justice has been denounced 
for his severe conduct of the courts of justice and for the sins of his 
youth ; but impartial critics will allow that this is altogether aside 
from the question. So far as we actually know, the course pursued 
by the colonists w^as humane and pacific. One of their number was 
killed by the Tarrantines of the east, while the loss of their provisions 
induced the fear of a mutiny, yet the temptation to indulge in disorder 
was resisted. Industry and order seemed to have prevailed, and due 
respect was shown for the services of religion, the bearing of the 
English worshippers led by Cliaplain Seymour being such as to recom- 
mend to the simple savage a faith which he could not comprehend. 
When, however, it was found that the main purpose for which the 
colony was undertaken could not be achieved, they departed to employ 
their activities in another sphere. 

Among those who have brought charges against the Popham colo- 
nists may be mentioned Aubrey, in his " Letters," &c., vol. ii. p. 495 ; 
and Sir William Alex'ander, " Map and Description," p. 30. Bacon's 
Essay on " Plantations " has also been used. |Ve have cited Alex- 
ander in the " Appendix." The replies to these attacks are well 
known, among them being papers by the late Dr. Ballard of Bruns- 
wick, Maine. 

B. F. DeCosta. 



[A VOYAGE TO SAGADAHOC] 



Departefl from the Lyzard tlie first day of June, a.d. [1G07], being 
Monday, abont six of tlie dock in the afternoon, and it bore off me 
then north-east and by north eiglit leagues off. 

From hence directed our course for the Islands of Flowers and Corve, 
in the wliich we were twenty-four days attaining of it, at which 
time we still kept the sea and never saw but one sail, being a ship of 
Salcom * bound for the iS'ewfoundland, wherein was one Sosser [?J of 
Dartmouth, master in her. 

The twenty-fifth day of June we fell with the Island of Garsera,t 
one of the islands of the Azores, and it bore oflT us then south and by east 
ten leagues oif, our master and his mates making it to be Flowers, but 
myself withstood them and reproved them in tlieir error, as afterward it 
appeared manifestly, and then stood round for Flowers. The 26th of 
June we had sight of Flowers and Corve, and the 27th, in the morn- 
ing early, we were hard aboard Flowers, and stood in for to find good 
road for to anchor, whereby to take in wood and water. The 28th 
we descried two sails standing in for Flowers, whereby we pres- 
ently weighed anchor, and stood towards the road of Santa Cruz, 
being near three leagues from the place where we watered. There 
Captain Popham anchored to take in wood and water, but it was so 
calm that we could not recover or get unto him before the day came 
on. 

The 29th of June being Monday, early in the morning those two 
sails we had seen the night before were near unto us, and being calm 
they sent their boats, being full of men, towards us, and after tiie order 
of the sea they hailed us, demanding us of whence we were, the which 
we told them and found them to be Flemens and the state's ships. One 



* Salcombe. — B. F. D. 

t Tlie leailcr will understand tliat by " Garsera," "Flowers," and " Corve," 
tlie islands of Gratiosa, Flores, and Corvo, belonging to the group of the Azores 
Islands, are intended. — B. F. D. 



20 

of our company, named John Goyett, of Plymouth, knew the captain of 
one of the ships, for that he had been at sea with him. Having 
acquainted Captain Gilbert of this, and being all friends, he desired the 
captain of the Dutch to come near and take a can of beer, the which 
he thankfully accepted, we still keeping ourselves in a readiness both 
of our small shot and great. The Dutch captain being come to our 
ship's side, Captain Gilbert desired him to come aboard liim and enter- 
tained him in the best sort he could. This done, they to requite his 
kind entertainment desired him that he would go aboard with them, 
and upon their earnest entreaty he went with them, taking three or 
four gentle[men] with them, but when they had him aboard of them 
they there ke|>t him perforce, charging him that he was a pirate, and 
still threatening himself and his gentlemen with him to throw them all 
overboard, and to take our ship from us.* In this sort they kept them 
from ten of the clock morning until eight of the clock night, using some 
of his gentlemen in most vile manner, as setting some of tliem in the 
bilboes, buffeting of others, and other most vile and shameful abuses; 
but in the end having seen our commission, the which was proffered 
unto them at the first, but they refused to see it, and the greatest cause 
doubting of the Englishmen being of their own company who had 
promised Captain Gilbert that if they proffered to perform that which 
they still threatened him that then they all would rise with him, and 
either end their lives in his defence, or suppress the ship ; the which the 
Dutch j)erceiving, presently set them at liberty, and sent them aboard 
unto us again, to our no small joy.f Captain Popham, all this time 
being in the wind of us, never would come round unto us, notwithstand- 
ing we making all the signs that possibly we might, by striking our top- 
sail and hoisting it again three times, and making towai'ds him all that 
ever we possibly could, so here we lost company of him, being the 29th 
day of June, about eight of the clock at night, being six leagues from 
Flowers, west-north-w^est, we standing our course for Vyrgenia. The 
30th we lay in sight of the island. 

The first day of July being Wednesday, we departed from the Island 
of Flowers, being ten leagues south-west from it. 

From hence we always kept our course to the westward as much as 



* Possibly tliere was some connection between tlie conduct of tlie Dutch and 
tlie state of t'eelinu; indicated by Rosier, wliere, in the introduction to Waymoutli's 
voyage, lie says, " After these purposed designs were concluded, I was animated 
to publisii tiiis brief relation, and not before; because some foreign nation 
(being fully assured of the fruitfulness of the country) have hoped hereby to 
gain some knowleilge of the place, seeing they could not allure our captain or 
any special man of our company to combine with them for their direction, nor 
ol)tain their purpose in conveying away our savages, which was busily in prac- 
tice." 3 Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. viii. p. 127. The Dutch certainly made strong 
efforts to secure New England. — B. F. D. 

t Part of this sentence is obscure. We interpret it thus : tiiat the captain 
of the Dutcli ship " doul)ting," that is, /(-«;('/((/ that the Englishmen, making 
part of his own ship's company, might rise, as they liad promised or threatened 
to do, to prevent any additional outrage on Captain Gilbert and his companions, 
was induced to liberate them. — 13. F. D. 



21 

wind and weather would permit, until the 27th day of July, during 
wliicli time we oftentimes sounded, but could never find ground. This 
27th, early in the morning, we sounded, and had ground but eighteen 
fatlionis,* being then in the latitude of 43;:|° ; here we fislied three 
hours, and took near two hundred of cod, very great and large fish, 
biijo-er and laro-er lish than that which comes from the Bank of the 
Newfoundland ; here we might have laden our ship ni less time than 
a month. 

From hence the wind being at south-west, we set our sails and stood 
by the wind, west north-west towards the land, always sounding for our 
better knowledge as we ran towards the mainland from the bank. 

From this bank we kept our course west north-west thirty-six leagues, 
which is from the 27th of July until the 30th of July, in which time 
we ran thirty-six leagues, as is before said, and then we saw the land f 
about ten of the clock in the morning, bearing north-west from us about 
ten leagues, and then we sounded and had a hundred fathoms l)lack 
ooze here. As we came in towards the land from this bank we still 
found deep water; the deepest within the bank is one hundred and 
sixty fathoms, and in one hundred fathom | you shall see the land if it 
be clear weather; after you pass the bank the ground is still black ooze 
until you come near the shore. This day we stood in for the land, but 
could not recover it before the night took us, so we stood a little 
from it and there struck a hull until the next day, being the last of 
July ; here lying at hull we took great store of codfishes, the biggest 
and largest that I ever saw, or any man in our ship. This day, being 
the last of July, about three of the clock in the afternoon we recovered 
the shore and came to an anchor under an island, for all this coast is 
full of islands or broken land, but very sound and good shipping to go 
by them, the water deep, eighteen or twenty fathoms hard aboard them. 
This island standeth in the latitude of 4:4.^l'^,§ and here we had not 



* There is only one part of the Bank where, according to tlie " Atlantic 
Neptune," this depth is found. — B. F. D. 

t The land seen was either Cape Lu Heve or tlie Aspotogeon Hills, which 
are close by. The cape is an abrupt cliff a hundred and seven feet high, push- 
ins boldly out to sea, while the hills are very noticeable far away at sea. — 
B.F. 1). 

t Tliis deep water is found on the charts as indicated by the journal. Tlie 
deepest inside Sable Bank, shown by tlie " Atlantic Neptune," is one hunilred 
and fifty-two fathoms, which occurs in the course sailed. About thirty miles 
south-east of Cape La Heve, a hundred fathoms are found, indicating with toler- 
able precision the position of the " Mary and John" when land was first seen. 
— B. F. D. 

§ Ironl)ound Island lies precisely in this latitude at the mouth of the La Heve 
River. Blunt.eays, "The shores are bold, and much indented with irregular inlets 
or buys." In the vicinity, twenty fathoms of water are common. " Coast 
Pilot," iilst ed. 1867, p. 195. Mr. Major, misled by Captain John Smith, and 
neglecting the fact that points of eastern Nova Scotia lie in the same latitude as 
parts of the .Maine coast, says, " The latitude here given would lead to the suppo- 
sition that the island referred to was Mount Desert Island in Frenchman's Bay; 
but nearly all other histories record Manhegin Island as the point at which they 
first laniled." " Historie of Travaile," pp. 165, 166 n. Following Smith, Mr. 
Bancroft makes tlie first landing at Monhegan, vol. i. p. 205, ed. 1876. — B. F. D. 



22 

been at an anchor past two hours before we espied a bisken shallop 
coming towards us, having in her eight savages and a little savage hoy. 
They came near unto us and spoke unto us in their language, and we 
making signs to them that they should come aboard of us, showing 
unto them knives, glasses, beads, and throwing into their boat some 
biscuit, but for all this they would not come aboard of us, but making 
show to go from us, we suffered them. So when they were a little 
from us, and seeing we proffered them no wrong, of their own accord 
returned and came aboard of us, and three of them stayed all that 
night with us. The rest departed in the shallojD to the shore, making 
signs unto us that they would return unto us again the next day. 

The next day the same savages, with three savage women, being 
the first day of August, returned unto us, bringing with them some 
few skins of beaver in another bisken shallop, proff'ei'ing their skins to 
truck with us.* But they demanded over-much for them, and we 
seemed to make light of them ; and 

So then the other three which had stayed with us all night went 
into the shallop, and so they departed. It seemeth that the French f 
hath trade with them, for they use many French words. The chief 
commander of these parts is called Messamott, | and the river or har- 



* Lescarbot speaks of his traffic here. Evidently it was a well-known trading 
post — B. F. D. 

t Savalet of Canso was doubtless among their customers, and furnished them 
with European shallops. " Nouvelle France," p. 004. — B. F. D. 

J (Jhamplain spells the name " Messainouet,' and mentions his visit to Saco, 
in company with " Secoiidon." " Giuvrcs," tome ii. p. 92. Lescarbot describes 
liis doings there in full : "From this isle they went to the river of Olmechin, a 
port of tJlioiiakoet, where Marchin and the said Olmechin brought a Souriqiiois 
prisoner (and therefore their enemy) to Sieur Poutrincourt, whom they gave him 
freely. Two hours after there arrived two savages, one an Etechemin named 
Chkoudun, cajitain of the Eiver St. John, called by the savages Uigoudi; the 
other Souriquois named Messamoet, captain or Sagamore in the river of the port 
La Heve, where this prisoner was taken. They had a great quantity of mer- 
chandise trucked with the French, which they came to sell, viz., large, medium, 
and small kettle's, hatchets, knives, gowns, short mantles, red waistcoats, biscuit, 
and other things. Thereupon there arrived twelve or fifteen boats full of sav- 
ages of Olmeeiiin's following, in good order, their faces painted according to their 
custom, in beautifying themselves, having the bow and arrow in hand, and the 
quiver which they laid down. Then Messamoet connnenced liisliarangue before 
the savages, 'reminding them that in the past they had often been at amit}, and 
that they might easily overcome their eneniies, it they would act understand- 
ingl}- and make use of their friendship with the French, who were then present 
in order to reconnoitre the country, to the end that they might bring them com- 
modities in the future, and aid them with their strength which he knew,' and 
he was able to represent to them so much better, because he who spoke had 
formerly been in France, and dwelt in the house ot Grandnmnt, Governor of Ba- 
yonne. Finally, his speech continued almost an hour with much vehemence and 
feeling, and with a gesture of body and arms such as is required in a good 
orator." "Nouvelle France," p. 559, ed. 1G12. All this, however, together with 
Ids gifts, failed, and the chief went away resolved upon war, whicli the Saco 
tribe had already prosecuted as tar as La Heve. See also Lescarbot's reference 
to the warlike actions of this chief in "Les Muses de la Nouvelle France," p. 
46, ed. Kil'i. He probably went on a visit to France in one of De Mont's 
ships. —B. F.D. 



23 

bor is called Emannett * We take these people to be the Tarentyns f 
[and tliese people, as we have learned since, do make wars with Sasa- 
noa, the chief commander to the westward, where we have phmted, 
and this summer they killed his son]. $ 

So the savages departed from us, and came no more unto us. After 
they were departed from us we hoisted out our boat, wherein myself § 
was with twelve others, and rowed to the shore, and landed on this 
island that we rode under, the which we found to be a gallant island, 
full of high and mighty trees of sundry sorts ; here we also found 
abundance of gooseberries,|| strawberries, raspberries, and whorts. So 
we returned and came aboard. 

Sunday being the 2d of August, after dinner our boat went to the 
shore again to till fresh water ; where, after they had filled their water, 
there came four savages unto them, having their bows and arrows in 
their hands, making show unto them to have them come to the shore. 
But our sailors having lilied their water would not go to the shore 
unto them, but returned and came aboard, being about five of the clock 
in the afternoon. So the boat went presently from the ship unto a point 
of an island, and there, at low water, in an hour killed near fifty great 
lobsters. You shall see them where they lie in shoal water, not past 
a yard deep, and with a great hook made fast to a staff, you shall hitch 
them up there, a great store of them ; you may near load a ship with 
them, and they ar.e of gi'eat bigness ; I have not seen the like in Eng- 
land. So the boat returned aboard, and we took our boat in ; and 
about midnight the wind came fair at ndrth-east. We set sail and 
departed from thence, keeping our course south-west, for so the coast 
lieth. 

Monday being the 3d of August, in the morning we were fair by 
the shore, and so sailed along the coast ; we saw many islands all along 
the coast, and great sounds going betwixt them, but we could make 
proof of none for want of a pinnace; here we found fish still all along 
the coast as we sailed. 

Tuesday being the 4th of August, in the morning, five of the clock, 
we were athwart of a cape % or headland, lying in the latitude of 43°, 

* We liave not yet found any other reference to the Indian name of the river 
La Heve in tlie early chronicles. — B. F. D. 

t On these people see Maine Hist. Soc. Coll. vol vii. p. 95. — B. F. D. 

J The part enclosed in brackets was, of course, added by the author at a 
later period. For the account of the death of Sasanoa, see later, under August 
22. — B. F. D. 

§ Strachey, who may have known the author of this journal, says that this 
person was tiie pilot, 11. Davies. Purchas also used the journal and attributes 
it to James Davies (vol. v. p. 880). — B. F. D. 

II Lescarbot says, " And in tiie same port we saw the cod bite the hook. 
There we found an abundance of red gooseberries {(jrozelles rouges), and a mar- 
cassite of copper mine. Tiiere we had scime traffic in peltry with the savages." 
" Nouvelle France," ed. 1B12, p. 604. Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1640. Champlain 
puts the Cape of La Heve in 40° 5', and speaks of the islands as covered with 
pines, and the mainland with oaks, chestnuts, &c. " CEuvres," tome ii. p. 8. — 
B. F. ]). 

IF Whether or not our author meant to say that the cape was exactly in lati- 
tude 43° N, is not clear. 'The cape in question was Cape Sable, which is in 



24 

and came very near unto it. It is very low land, showing white like 
sand, hut it is white rocks ; and very strong tides * goeth here from 
the place we stopped at, being in 44^°. Until this cape or head- 
land it is all broken land and lull of ishuids, and large sounds betwixt 
them, and here we found fish abundance, so large and great as I never 
saw the like cods before, neither any in our ship. 

After we passed this cape, or headland, the land falleth away and 
lyeth in north-west and by north into a great deep bay.f We kept our 
course fi'om this headland west and west and by south seven leagues, 
and came to three islands,^ where coming near unto them we found on 
the south-east side of them a great ledge of rocks,§ lying near a league 
into the sea, the Avhich we perceiving tacked our ship, and the wind 
being large to north-east cleared ourselves of them, keeping still our 
course to the westward, west and by south, and west south-west uutil 
midniglit, then after we held in more northerly. 

Wednesday being the oth of August, from after midnight we held 
in west north-west until three of the clock afternoon of the same, and 
then we saw the land again, bearing from us north-west and by north, 
and it riseth in this form hereunder. Ten or twelve leagues from you, 

43° 25'. If lie meant to be exact, lie was in error to the extent indicated. Mr. 
Major took the ground that he was in error "more tiian half a degree." This 
was assumed to accommodate his theory that the cape was Cape Small Point. 
He says, "In order to verify and define in modern nomenclature, the description 
of the ccmrse held by the adventurers ... a very beautiful and elaborate map of 
this coast, in the British Museum, on a scale of two miles to an inch, has been 
used"; and he concludes that while the headland was Small Point, the three 
islands were the Damiscove, Wood, and Outer Heron Islands, with the Pump- 
kin Ledges. He says " no more southerly cape " would offer the requisite 
island ; whereas what he needed was a iiortherli/ cape. The fact that the " Mary 
and John" made her first port, coming in immediately from a well-known fish- 
ing bank, alone would be sufficient to prove that the landfall was not on the 
Maine coast. See Major's remarks in " Historie," p. 1G(3 it. The cape described 
as "white like sand" was Cape Sable, so called at an early period by the 
French on account of the nahlon or sand. If the cape liad been Small Point, 
and the " Mary and John " had continued on the course described, the colonists 
wojild have approached the interior of Maine. — B. F. 1). 

* Bhmt's Coast Pilot describes the strong tides running " at the rate of three 
and sometimes four knots an hour." — B. F. I). 

t Bay of Fiindy. This, perhaps, may be regarded as the earliest, or one 
of the earliest, references to the bay by the English; unless Hakluyt had 
it in mind when he spoke of the " Hay of Menan." (3 Mass. Hist. Coll vol. 
viii. p. H)7.) On the map of Mollineux (KiOO) projected by Wright, this bay 
stands apart from the unnamed gulf which seems to indicate the Bay of Fundy. 
Ti)e Continental maps of the sixteenth century, however, connnencing with 
Verrazano (lo'i'.)), indicate the bay with distinctness, whether it is called 
Tfrra oncle, huudo. condo, fondo, fondu, or Fundy. See the Verrazano map, in 
" Verrazano the ]vxj)lorer," revised from Mag. of American History. Barnes 
& Co., Kew York, 1880. — B. F. 1). 

X This group is composed of what is now known as " Seal" and the "Mud 
Islands." On some charts one name is applied to all. If the smallest were 
included, they would number four. Sailing to the southward the navigator 
would notice only three. — B. F. 1). 

§ This ledge, according to Blunt, " is called the Horseshoe, and runs out two 
and one-half miles, south-east by south." The description is almost scientifi- 
cally exact. — B. F. D. 



25 



there are three high mountains that lie in upon the mainland near 
unto the river of Fenobscot, in which river the Bashabe * makes his 
abode, the cliief commander of those parts, and stretcheth unto the 
river of Sagadehock under his conunand. You shall see these high 
mountains when you shall not perceive the mainland under it, they are 
of such an exceeding height: and note that from the cape or headland 
before spoken of, until these high mountains, we never saw any land 
except those three islands also before mentioned. We stood iu right 
with these mountains until the next day.f 






Thursday being the Gth of August, we stood in with this high land, 
until twelve o'clock noon, and then 1 found the ship to be in 434- '^l of 
my observation.! From thence we set our course and stood away due 
west, and saw three other islands lying together, being low and flat by 
the water, showing white as if it were sand, but it is white rocks 
making show afar off almost like unto Dover cliffs. || 

These three islands lie due east and west one of the other, so we 
came fair by them, and as we came to the westward the high laud 
before spoken of showed itself in this form as followeth.Tf 





* Tlie article prefixed does not prove tli.at tlie writer meant to give the word 
"bashabe" as a title. Afterward lie speaks of their Indian guide as "the 
Skidwarres." See, on this subject, Maine Hist. Soc. Coll. vol. vii. p. 95, and 
Hist. Mag., April, 1868. Strachey adds that the mainland where the mountains 
stood was " the land called Segoiiquet." The distance is exaggerated. — 
B. F. D. 

t These three mounts are the same as those given by Strachey in his " His- 
torie " (p. 167). They represent the Camden and Union mountains. The two 
double peaks at the left represent tlie four principal peaks of the Union range, 
while that on the right represents Megunticook. — B. F. D. 

J Strachey (p. 167) makes the latitude i'6°. — B. F. D. 

§ It would appear that our author either understood navigation, or used the 
reckoning of the pilot. In fact he may have used a large portion of his journal, 
and modified some of the statements, which would account for the variations 
of Strachey, supposing the latter to have followed another authority here, iu 
part. — B. F. D. 

II These were the Matinicus Islands. — B. F. D. 

ir Upon getting nearer, the mountains rose from the sea, and the double 
peaks were united. By a comparison of this view with the recentlj' published 
sketcli of the Coast Survey, the resemblance may be traced, though this ancient 
sketcli is very rude. In the " Historie " (p. 168), another view is given that our 
manuscript omits. The Oxford MS. omits all these sketches. Our sketches 
have no indication of foliage on the hill-tops. — B. F. D. 

i 



26 

From hence we kept still our course west and west by north 
towards three other islands that we saw lying from these islands before 
spoken of eight leagues, and about ten of the clock at night we recovered 
them, and having sent in our boat before night to view it, for that it 
was calm, and to sound it and see wliat good anchoring was under it, 
we bore in with one of them, the which as we came in by we still 
sounded, and found very deep water forty fathom hard aboard of it. 
So we stood in into a cove * in it, and had twelve fathom water, 
and there we anchored until the morning, and when the day a[)peared 
we saw we were environed round about with islands ; you might have 
told near thirty islands round about us from aboard our ship.f 

This island we call St. Georges Island, for that we here found, a 
cross set up, the which we suppose was set up by George Wayman.$ 

Friday being the 7th of August we weighed our anchor, whereby 
to bring our ship in more better safety howsoever the wind should 
happen to blow, and about ten of the clock in the morning, as we were 
standing off a little from the island, we descried a sail standing in 
towards this island, and we presently made towards her and found it 
to be the " Gyfte," our consort ; so being all joyful of our hapjty meet- 
ing, we both stood in again for the island we lode under before, and 
there we anchored both togethei-.§ 

This night following, about midnight. Captain Gilbert caused his 
ship's boat to be manned and took to himself thirteen other, myself being 
one, being fourteen persons in all, and took tlie Indian Skidwarres 
with us. The weather being fair and the wind calm, we rowed to the 
west in amongst many gallant islands, and found the I'iver of Pema- 
quyd to be but four leagues west from the island we call St. Georges, 
where our ship remained still at anchor. 

Here we landed in a little cove || by Skidwarres' direction, and 

* This cove does not appear to have been the liarbor formed by Mananas 
which Hes close to Moniiegan, but a sheUered spot north of the harbor. — 
B. F. I). 

t Tiie islands are certainly numerous. — B. F. I). 

I There is no proof that tlie supposition was correct. — B. F. D. 

§ First meeting of the ships, ropham appeared to know the anchorage 
better than Gilbert.— B. F. D. 

II It would appear that they had come to the same place where Waymouth 
received a hostile reception. It was the resort of at least a portion of the sav- 
ages abducted by that explorer, and Skidwarres conducts them directly to the 
place. Bosier writes of the visit made two years previous : " When we came 
near the point where we saw their fires " one of the men landed and found " two 
liundred eighty-three savages, every one his bows and arrows, with their dogs 
and wolves, which they keep tame at command, and not any thing to ex- 
change at all ; but would have drawn us further up into a little narrow nook of 
a river, for their furs, as they pretended." 3 Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. viii. p 144. 
That this " little nook ot a river" was I'emaquid Kiver appears from the fact 
that, as Strachey says, Wayrnouth discovered not only "the most excellent and 
beneticiall river of Sachadehoc," but that " little one of Pemaquid." The 
" i)ond of fresh water, which flowed over the banks" fed " b}' a strong run," 
wliich Hosier says could be made to " (h'ive a mill," is situated on Cape New- 
aggin, oi)posite Pemaquid lliver, and is indicated on one of the maps of the 
Coast Survey. It has been examined for the writer, and corresponds exactly 
with Hosier's description, proving that Waymouth had been on the spot. Tlie 
pond still flows over into the sea. — B. F. D. 



27 

marclied over a neck of the land * near three miles. So the Skidwarresf 
brought us to the savages' houses where they did inhabit, although 
much against his will, for that he told us that they were all removed 
and gone from the place they were wont to inhabit ; but we answered 
him again that we would not return back until such time as we had 
spoken with some of them. At length he brought us where they did 
inhabit, where we found near a hundred of them, men, women, and 
children, and the chief commander of them is Nahanada.$ At our first 
sight of them, upon a howling or cry that they made, they all presently 
issued forth towards us with their bows and arrovys, and we presently 
made a stand, and suffered them to come near unto us. Then our 
Indian Skidwarres spoke unto them in their language, showing them 
what we were, which when Nahanada, their commander, perceived what 
we were, he caused them all to lay aside their bows and arrows, and 
came unto us and embraced us, and we did the like to them again. 

So we remained with them near two hours and were in their 
houses. 

Then we took our leave of them and returned with our Indian 
Skidwarres with us towards our ship, the eighth day of August, being 
Saturday in the afternoon. 

Sunday being the 9th of August, in the morning the most part of 
our whole company of both our ships landed on this island, the which 
we call St. Georges Island, where the cross standeth, and there we 
heard a sermon delivered unto us by our preacher,§ giving God 
thanks for our happy meeting and safe arrival into the country, and so 
returned aboard again. 

Monday being the 10th of August, early in the morning Captain 
Popham in his shallop with thirty others, and Captain Gilbert in his 
ship's boat with twenty others accompanied, departed from their ships 
and sailed towards the river of Pema(piyd, and carried with us the 
Indian Skidwarres, and came to the river right before their houses, 
where they no sooner espied us but presently Nahanada with all his 
Indians with their bows and arrows in their hands came forth upon the 
sands. 

So we caused Skidwarres to speak unto him, and we ourselves 
spoke unto him in English, giving him to understand our coming 
tended to no evil towards himself || nor any of his people. He told 
us again he would not that all our people should land. So because we 
would in no sort offend them, hereupon some ten or twelve of the chief 
gentlemen U landed, and had some parley together, aad afterward they 

* Pemaquid Point. — B. F. D. 

t An Indian who had been carried away by Waymouth in 1605. — B. F. D. 

t Aiiotiier oftlie Indians abducted by \Vayiiioiith. — B. F. D. 

§ Tlie Rev. llicliard Seymour. See Bishop Buriiess in the Popliam " Memo- 
rial Volume," p. 101. Also Hisliop Perry's " Connection oftlie Church of Eng- 
land with Early Discovery and Colonization," Portland, 18B3. — B. F. D. 

II Our copy of the manuscript says " themselffe," but evidently the word 
intended is himself. — B. F. 1). 

T[ The reader will notice the recurrence of the word "gentlemen," which 
gives some idea of the reputed status of many of the colonists. — B. F. D. 



28 

were well contented that all should land. So all landed, we using them 
with all the kindness that possibly we could ; nevertheless, after an hour 
or two they all suddenly withdrew thein:?elves from us into the woods 
and left us. 

We perceiving this presently embarked ourselves, all excejit Skid- 
warres, who was not desirous to return with us. 

We seeing this, would in no sort proffer any violence unto him by 
drawing him perforce, suffered him to remain and stay behind us, he 
promising to return unto us the next day following, but he held not 
his promise; so we embarked ourselves, and went unto the other side 
of the river, and there remained upon the shore the night following. 

Tuesday being the 11th of August, we returned and came to 
our ships where they still remained at anchor under the island we call 
St. Georges.* 

Wednesday being the 12th of August, we weighed our anchor, 
and set our sails to go for the river of Sagadehock. We kept our course 
from thence due west until twelve of the clock midnight of the same, 
then we struck our sails, and laid a hull until the morning, doubting 
for to overshoot it. 

Thursday in the morning, break of the day, being the 13th August, 
the Island of Sutquin t bore north of us, not past half a league from 
us, and it riseth in this form hereunder following, the whicli island 
lieth right before the mouth of the river Sagadeliock south from it 
near two leagues, but we did not make it to be Sutquin, so we set 
our sails and stood to the westward for to seek it two leagues further, 
and not finding the river of Sagadehock, we knew that we had overshot 
the place ; then we would have returned, but could not.$ and the night 
in hand. The '• Gifte " sent in her shallop and made it, and went into 
the river this night ; but we were constrained to remain at sea all this 
night, and about midnight there arose a great storm and tempest upon 
us, the which put us in great danger and hazard of casting away of our 
ship and our lives, by reason we were so near the shore. The wind 
blew very hard at south right in upon the shore, so that by no means 
we could not get off there : we sought all means and did what possible 
was to be done, for that our lives tiei)ended on it. Here we plied it 
with our ship off and on, all the night, oftentimes espying many sunken 
rocks and breaches hard by us, enforcing us to put our ship about and 
stand from them bearing sail when it was more fitter to have taken it 
in, but that it stood upon our lives to do it, and our boat sunk at our 
stern, yet would we not cut her from us in hope of the appearing of the 
day. Thus we continued until the day came ; tlien we perceived ourselves 
to be hard aboard the lee shore, and no way to escape it but by seek- 
ing the shore ; then we espied two little islands § lying under om- lee. 

* Monliegan. — B. F. D. 

t Seguin, well known to tlieni through tlie explorations of Waj'mouth and 
Pring. — B. F. I). 

t Stracliey says that it was calm. — B. F. D. 

§ Tlie only two islands lying two leagues west of Seguin are Seal Island and 
the small, nameless rock shown in the Coast Survey Map, No. 5, 1865. Behind 
the former is safe anchorage, with ten feet at low water. — B. F. D. 




29 

So we bore up the helm, and steered in our ship in betwixt them, 
where, the Lord be praised for it, we found good and safe anchoi-ing. 
There anchored, the storm still continuing until the next day following. 

Being east and 
west from the 
Island of Sut- 
quin, it uiiik- 
etli in this 
form.* 

Friday being the 14th of August, that we anchored under these 
islands, there we repaired our boat, being very much torn and spoiled; 
then after we landed on this island,t and found four savages and an 
old woman ; this island is full of pine-trees, of oak, and abundance of 
whorts of four sorts of them. 

Saturday being the 15th of August, the storm ended, and the 
wind came fair for us to gfo for Sagadehock, so we weighed our anchors 
and set sail, and stood to the eastward, and came to the island of Sut- 
quin, which was two leagues from those islands we rode at anchor be- 
fore, and here we anchored under the Island of Sutquiu in the eastern 
side of it, for that the wind was off the shore that we could not get into 
the river of Sagadehock, and there Captain Pophara's ship's boat came 
aboard of us, and gave us twenty fresh cods that they had taken, being 
sent out a-(ishing. 

Sunday being the 16th of August, Captain Popham sent his 
shallop unto us for to help us in, so we weighed our anchors, and being 
calm, we towed in our ship, and came into the river of Sagadehocke, and 
anchored by the " Gyfte's " side about eleven of the clock the same day. 

Monday being the 17th of August, Captain Popham in his 
shallop with thirty others, and Captain Gilbert in his ship's boat, 
accompanied with eighteen other persons, departed early in the morn- 
ing from their ship, and sailed up the river of Sagadehock for to view 
the river, and also to see where they might find the most convenient 
place for their plantation, myself being with Captain Gilbert. 

So we sailed up into this river near fourteen + leagues, and found it 
to be a most gallant river, very broad and of a good depth ; we never 
had less water than three fathom when we had zest § and abundance 
of great fish in it, leaping above the water on each side of us as we 
sailed. 

So the night approaching, after a while we had refreshed ourselves 
upon the shore, about nine of the clock we set backward to return 

* The sketches of Seguin are quite fair, especially the first. Champlain 
named tlie island " Tortue," or tlie Tortoise, to which it bears a resembhince. 
In ttiis connection Strachey gives another very rougli view of the Union Hills, 
wliicli is not found in our manuscript. — B. F. D. 

t It will be noticed that the language changes to "this island" (Seal Island), 
as if there were only one island worth mentioning. Strachey errs in saying that 
the two islands were west of Sagadahoc. — B. F. D. 

X Strachey says incorrectly, " forty." — B. F. D. 

§ Our transcriber writes "zest." Strachey made it " sest." Perhaps it 
should read, " when we had rest," or came to anchor. — B. F. D. 



30 

and came aboard our ship.s the next day following, about two of the 
clock in the afternoon. We find this river to be very pleasant, with 
many goodly islands in it, to be both large and deep water, having 
man}^ branches in it; that which we took bendeth itself towards the 
north-east.* 

Tuesday being the 18th, after our return we all went to the shore, 
and there made choice of a place for our plantation, which is at the 
very mouth or entry of the river of Sagadehocke on the west side of 
the river, being almost an island t of a good bigness. Whilst we were 
upon the shore, there came in three canoes by us, but they would not 
come near us, but rowed up the river, and so passed away. 

Wednesday being the 19th of August, we all went to the shore, 
where we made choice for our plantation, and there we had a sermon 
delivered unto us by our preacher, and after the sermon our patent 
was read with the orders and laws therein prescribed ; then we 
returned aboard our ship again. 

Thursday being the 20th of August, all our company landed 
and there began to fortify. Our president. Captain Popham, set the 
first spit of ground unto it, and after him all the rest followed, and 
labored hard in tiie trenches about it. 

Friday, the 21st of August, all hands labored hard about the fort, 
some in the trench, some for faggots, and our ship carpenters about 
the buihling of a small pinnace or shallop. 

Saturday, the 22d of August, Captain Popham early in the morn- 
ing departed in his shallop to go for the river of Pashipakoke.J 
There they had parley with the savages again, who delivered unto them 
that they had been at wars with Sasanoa, and had slain his son in 
fight. Skidwarres and Dehanada were in this fight. 

Sunday, the 2od, our president, Cai)taiu Popham, returned unto us 
from the river of Pashipscoke. 

Tiie 24th all labored about the fort. 

Tues<lay, the 25tli, Captain Gilbert embarked himself and fifteen 
others with him to go to the westward u[)on some discovery, but the 
wind was contrary and forced him back again the same day. 

The 2Gth and 27th all labored hai-d al)out the fort. 

Friday, the 28th, Captain Gilbert, with fourteen others, myself being 
one, embarked him to go to the westward again ; so the wind serving 

* Tliey ck^iirly knew tlie Androscogsiin branch, but tliey ascendeil the true 
Kennebec, and must have reached tlie vicinity of Augusta. — B. F. D. 

t The Peninsula of Sabino. Strachey gives tiie list of officers appointed : 
"George Popliam, gent., was nonnnated President; Cajttain Haleigli (iilhert, 
James Davies, Hicliard Sej'mer, Preacher, Captain Ricliard Davies, Captain 
Harlow . . . were ail sworne assistants." (" Historie of Truvaile," p. f72,) 
Smitl) says in his " (ieneral Historic," " Tiiat Honourable patron of virtue. Sir 
John Pojjham, Lord Ciiief Justice of England, . . . sent ('.tptain George Pop- 
ham for President, Captain Kawleigh Gilbert for Admiral, Edward Harlow, 
Master of the Ordnance, Captain Robert Davis, Sergeant-Major, Captain Ellis 
Best, Marshall, Mr. Eeaman, Secretary, Captain James Davis to be Cai)tame ot 
the Fort, Mr. Gome Carew to be searcher : All those were of the council." — 
B. F. D. 

} Sheepscot. — B. F. D. 



31 

we sailed by many gallant islands, and towards night the wind came 
contrary against us, so that we were constrained to remain tliat night 
under the headland called Semeamis * wliere we found the land to be 
most fertile, the trees growing there doth exceed for goodness and 
length, being the most [)art of them oak and walnut, growing a great 
space asunder one from the otiier, as our parks in England, and no 
thicket growing under them. Here we also found a gallant place to for- 
tify,! whom nature itself hath already framed, without the hand of man, 
with a running stream of water hard adjoining under the foot of it. 

Saturday, li9th of August, early in the morning we departed from 
thence, and rowed to the westward, for that the wind was against us ; 
but the wind blew so hard that forced us to remain under an island 
two leagues from the ]ilace we remained the night before. Whilst we 
remained under this island there passed two canoes by us ; after mid- 
night we put from this island in hope to have gotten the place we 
desired, but the wind arose and blew so hard at south-west contrary for 
us that forced us to return. 

Sunday being the 30th August, returning before the wind we sailed 
by many goodly islands, for betwixt this headland called Semeamis 
and the river of Sagadehock, is a great bay in the which lyeth so many 
islands, and so thick and near together that you cannot well discern to 
number them, yet may you go in betwixt them in a good ship, for you 
shall have never less water than eight fathoms. These islands are all 
overgrown with woods, very thick, as oaks, walnut, pine trees, and 
many other things growing, as sarsaparilla, hazel-nuts, and whorts in 
abundance. 

So this day we returned to our fort at Sagadehock. 

Monday being the last of August, nothing happened ; but all 
labored for the building of the fort, and for the storehouse, to receive 
our victual. 

Tuesday, the 1st of September, there came a canoe unto us in the 
which was two great kettles of brass ; some of our company did parley 
with them ; but they did rest very doubtful of us, and would not suffer 
more than one at a time to come near unto them, so he d('j)arted. 

Tlie second day, third and fourth, nothing happened worth the 
writing, but that each man did his best endeavor for the building of 
the fort. 

Satui-day being the 5th of Sej^tember, there came into the entrance 
of the river of Sagadehock, nine canoes, in the which was Dehanada 
and Skidwarres with many others, in the whole near forty persons, 
men, women, and children ; they came and parleyed with us, and we 
again used them in all fi'iendly manner we could, and gave them 
victuals for to eat. 

So Skidwarres and one more of them stayed with us until night. The 
rest of them withdrew them in their canoes to the further side of the 
river ; but when night came, for that Skidwarres would needs go to the rest 



* Cape Elizabeth.— B. F. D. 

t On that cape stands Fort Freble. — B. F. D. 



32 

of liis company, Captain Gilbert, accompanied with James Davis and 
Captain Ellis Best, took them into our boat and carried them to their 
company on the further side the river, and there remained amongst 
them all the night, and early in the morning the savages departed in 
their canoes for the river of Pemaquid, promising Captain Gilbert to 
accom[)any him in their canoes to the river of Penobskott, where the 
Bashabc rcinaiiieth. 

The (>th nothing happened ; the 7th our ship, the " Mary and John," 
began to dischnrgc! her victuals. 

Tuesday being the 8th of Septeml)er, Captain Gilbert, accompanied 
with twenty-two others, myself being one of them, departed from the 
fort to go for the river of Penobskott, taking with him divers sorts of 
merchandise for to trade with Bashabe, who is the chief commander of 
those parts ; but the wind was contrary against him, so that he could 
not come to Dahanada and Skidwarres at the time appointed, for it 
was the eleventh day before he could get to the river of Pemac^uid, 
where they do make their abode. 

Friday, the 11th, in the mornings early we came into the river of 
Pemaquid, there to call Nahanada and Skidwarres, as we had prom- 
ised them, but being there arrived we found no living creature; they 
all were gone from thence ; the which we perceiving, presently departed 
towards the river of Penobskott, sailing all this day and the Pith and 
13th the like, yet by no means could we find it.* So, our victual 
being spent, W(! hasten to return. So the wind came fair for us, and 
we sailed all the fourteenth and fifteenth days, in returning, the 
wind blowing very hard at north, and this morning, the fifteenth day, 
we pcM-ccivcd [a] blazing star f in the nortii-east of us. 

The lOtli, 17tli, iHth, IDth, 20th, 21st, 22d, nothing happened, but 
all labored hard about the fort and the storehouse for to land our victuals. 

The 23(1 being Wednesday, Captain Gilbert, accompanied with 
nineteen others, myself one of them, departed from the fort to go for 
the head of the river of Sagadehock. We sailed all the day; so did 
we the like the 24th until the evening, then we landed there to remain 
that night. Here we found champion land and exceeding fertile ; so 
here we remained all night. 

The 2.^11 being Friday, early in the morning we departed from hence, 
and sailed up the river about eight huig'^u's farther, until we came 
unto an island, being low land an<l Hat. At this island is a great down- 
fall of water, the which runneth by both sides of tiiis island, very swift 
and shallow. In this island we foiiud great store of grapes, exceeding 
good and sweet, of two sorts, both red, but the one of them is a mar- 
vellous deep rvd. By both the sides of this river the grapes grow ia 
abiuidance, and also very good hops, and also chebolls t and garlic, 
and for the goodness of the land it doth so far abound that I cannot 
almost express the same. Here we all went ashore, and with a strong 
rope made fast to our boat and one man in her to guide her against 

* IfWcymoutli or Pring hnil visited that river in 1605-G, Popliani would 
doubtless lia.ve had better directions lor finding it. — B. F. D. 

t A meteor. — 13. F. U. t A small onion. — B. F. D. 



the swift stream, we plucked her up through it perforce. After we had 
passed this downfall we all went into our boat again, and rowed near a 
league farther up into the river, and niglit being at hand, we here stayed 
all night, and in the first of the night, about ten of the clock, there came 
on the farther side of the river certain savages, calling unto us in bro- 
ken English. We answered them again, so for this time they 
departed. 

The 26th being Saturday, there came a canoe unto us, and in there 
four savages, them that had spoken unto us in the night before. His 
name that came unto us is Sabenor ; he maketh himself unto us to be 
Lord of the river of Sagadehock.* 

[They entertained him friendly, and took him into their boat and 
jiresented him with some trifling things, which he accepted ; howbeit, 
he desired some one of our men to be put into his canoe as a pawn for 
his safety, whereupon Captain Gilbert sent in a man of his, when pres- 
ently the canoe rowed away from them, witb all the speed they could 
make, up the river. They followed with the shallop, having great 
care that the Sagamo should not leap overl)oard. The canoe (piickly 
rowed from them and landed, and the men made to their houses, being 
near a league in the land from the rivei-'s side, and carried our man 
with them. The shallop, making good way, at length came unto 
another downfall, which was so shallow and so swift that by uo means 
they could pass any furtlier ; for which Captain Gilbert, with nine 
others, landed and took their fare, the savage Sagamo, with them, and 
went in search after these other savages, whose houses, the Sagamo 
told Captain Gilbert, were not far off; and after a good, tedious 
march, they came indeed at length imto those savages' houses, where 
they found near fifty able men-, very strong and tall, such as their like 
before they had not seen, all new painted, and armed with their bows 
and arrows. Howbeit, after that the Sagamo had talked with them, 
they delivered back again the man, and used all the rest very friendly, 
as did ours the like by them, who showed them their commodities of 
beads, knives, and some copper, of which they seemed very fond, and 
by way of trade made show that they would come down to the boat, 
and tliere bring such things as they had to exchange them for ours. 
So Captain Gilbert depai'ted from them, and within half an hour after 
he had gotten to his boat, there came three canoes down unto them, 
and in them some sixteen savages, and brought with them some 
tobacco, and certain small skins which were of no value, which Cap- 
tain Gilbert perceiving, and that they had nothing else wherewith 
to trade, he caused all his men to come aboard, and, as he would 
have put from the shore ; the savages, perceiving so much, subtly 
devised how they might put out the fire in the shallop, by which 
means they saw they should be free from the danger of our men's 

* What follows, in brackets, is wanting in tiie Lambeth Library manuscript. 
It is tal<en from tlie Bodleian version of Strachey's work, the number of the 
manuscript l)cing 1758. 'J'lie narrative in tlic I>aml)etli manuscript ends ab- 
rujitly at the bottom of the last leaf, as tliough the following pages had been 
removed. This portion in brackets corresponds with pages 170-180 in Stra- 
chey's printed volume. — 13. F. D. 

5 



34 

pieces ; and, to perform the same, one of the savages came into the 
shallop, and taking the firebrand, which one of our company held 
in his hand thereby to light the matches, as if he would light a pipe 
of tobacco, as soon as he had gotten it into his hand he presently 
threw it into the water and leaped out of the shallop. Captain Gil- 
bert, seeing that, suddenly commanded his men to betake them to 
their muskets, and the targetiers, too, from the head of the boat, and 
bade one of the men before, with his target on his arm, to step on 
the shore for more fire ; the savages resisted him, and would not 
suffer him to take any, and some others holding fast the boat rope 
that the shallop could not put off- Captain Gilbert caused the mus- 
keteers to present their pieces, the which the savages seeing, pres- 
ently let go the boat rope, and betook them to their bows and arrows, 
and ran into the bushes, nocking their arrows, but did not shoot, 
neither did ours at them. So the shallop departed from them to the 
further side of the river, where one of the canoes came unto tliem, and 
would have excused the fault of the others. Captain Gilliert made 
show as if he were still friends, and entertained them kindly, and so 
left them, returning to the place where he had lodged the night 
before, and there came to an anchor for that night. The head of the 
river standeth in 45° and odd miimtes.* Upon the continent they 
found abundance of spruce-trees, such as are able to mast the 
greatest ship his majesty hath, and many other trees, oak, walnut, 
pine-apple : fish abundance; great store of grapes, hops, and chiballs ; 
also they found cei'tain cods t in which they supposed the cotton wool 
to grow, and also upon the banks many shells of pearl, 

27th. Here they set up a cross and then returned homeward, in 
the way seeking the by -river of some note called Sasanoa. Tiiis day 
and the next they sought it, when the weather turned foul, and full of 
fog and rain ; they made all haste to the fort, before which, the 29th, 
they arrived. 

30th, and 1st and 2d of October, all busy about the fort. 

3d. There came a canoe unto some of the people of the fort, as 
they were fishing on the sand, in which was Skidwares, who bade 
them tell their president that Nahanada, with the Bashabae's brother 
and others, were on the further side of the river, and the next day would 
come and visit him. 

4th. There came two canoes to the fort, in which were Nahanada 
and his wife, and Skidwares, and the Basshabae's brother, and one other 
called Amenquin, a Sagamo; all whom the president feasted and enter- 
tained with all kindness, both that day and the next, which being 
Sunday, the president carried them with him to the place of public 
prayers, which they were at both morning and evening, attending it 
with great reverence and silence. 

6th. The savages departed, all except Amenquin, the Sagamo, 
who would needs stay amongst our people a long time. Ujion the 
departure of the others, the president gave unto every one of them 

* This latitude is too high. It was guess-work or a clerical error. — B. F. D. 
t An old term ior pods. — B. F. D. 



35 

copper beads or knives, which contented them not a little, as also 
delivered a present unto the Basshabae's brother to be presented 
unto Bassaba, and another for his wife, giving him to understand that 
he would come unto his court in the river of Penobscot, and see him 
very shortly, bringing many such like of his country commodities 
with him. 

You may please to understand how,* while this business was thus 
followed here, soon after their first arrival, tiiat had despatched away 
Captain Robert Davies, in the " Mary and John," to advertise both 
of their save arrival and forwardness of their plantation Avithin the 
river of Sachadehoc, with lettei's to the Lord Chief Justice, importun- 
ing a supply for the most necessary wants in the subsisting of a 
colony to be sent unto them betimes the next year.f 

After Captain Davies's departure, they fully finished the fort, 
trenched and fortified it with twelve pieces of ordnance, and built 
fifty + houses therein, beside a church and storehouse ; and the carpen- 
ters framed a pretty pinnace, of about thirty ton, which they called 
the " Virginia," the chief shipwright being one Digby, of London. 
Many discoveries, likewise, had been made, both to the main and unto 
the neighboring rivers, and the frontier nations fully discovered by the 
diligence of Captain Gilbert, had not the winter proved so extreme 
unseasonable and frosty; for it being the year 1607, when the ex- 
traordinary frost was felt in most parts of Europe, it was here likewise 
as vehement, by which no boat could stir upon any business. How- 
beit, as time and occasion gave leave, there was nothing omitted 
which could add unto the benefit or knowledge of the planters, for 
which, when Captain Davies arrived there in the year following (set 
out from Topsam, the port town of Exciter, with a ship laden full of 
victuals, arms, instruments, and tools, &c.), albeit he found Mr. 
George Popham, the president, and some other dead, yet he found 
all things in a good forwardness, and many kinds of furs obtained from 
the Lidians by way of trade, good store of sarsaparilla gathered, and 
the new pinnace all finished. But by reason that Captain Gilbert 
received letters that his brother was newly dead, and a fair portion of 
his land fallen unto his share, which required his repair home, and 
no mines discovered, nor hope thereof, being the main intended benefit 
expected to uphold the charge of this plantation, and the fear that all 
the other winters would prove like this first, the company by no means 
would stay any longer in the country, especially Captain Gilbert 
being to leave them, and Mr. Popham, as aforesaid, dead ; wherefore 
they all embarked in this new arrived ship, and in the new pinnace, 
the ••' Virginia," and set sail for England. And this was the end of 
that northern colony upiou the River Sachadehoc] 

* At this point the style of Strachey's narrative changes. The journal of 
Davies may have been exhausted, or he may have continued it in abstract, or 
the part wliicli follows may have been drawn from another hand. — B. F. D. 

t It is nowhere stated that the " Gift" returned in 1607. It is possible, not- 
withstanding what might be inferred from Strachey, that she remained during 
the winter. — B. F. U. 

t We should undoubtedly read^ye. — B. F. D. 



APPENDIX. 

The original sources of information concerning the Sagadahoc Col- 
ony, wliich were known previous to the publication of the Strachey 
volume in 1849, by the Hakhiyt Society, were, — 1. Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges's "Brief Narration," written not long before his death, in 1647, 
and left in manuscript, and not published till 1658. The narrative is 
strangely wanting, in many parts of it, in dates ; and many of the 
dates which are introduced are erroneous. Some of its errors are 
probably due to a lack of memory, others to a faulty press. Not- 
withstanding all these defects, the book is indispensable, and many of 
its errors may be corrected by other writings. Only a small part of 
the tract relates to the Sagadahoc Colony. 2. The '■ Brief Relation " 
of the President and Council for New England, published in 1622. 
The Council for New England was substantially a reincorporation of 
the first or Northern Colony of Virginia ; and inherited its traditions, 
and entered into its labors. 3. Smith's " Generall Historic," pp. 203, 
204, published in 1624. This book has some details taken from orig- 
hial sources. 4. Purchas's "Pilgrimage," 1614. In the margin, at 
p. 756, and repeated in the later editions of 1617 and 1626, are some 
detached fects about the colony, which the compiler selected from the 
letters or journals of the colonists, and from the notes of Plakluyt, 
whose papers came into Purchas's possession. From all these sources 
combined, the account afforded of the Sagadahoc settlement is of the 
most meagre character. We fail to get more than a glimpse of the 
life of the colony during the severe winter they experienced there, 
and of the circumstances attending the return of more than half 
the colonists in December, and of the final breaking up and return 
of the remainder, when the ship or "ships" came back with supplies 
the next year. Besides, we were sadly deficient in data for the 
greater part of the events. Neither did the Strachey narrative, pub- 
lished thirty years ago, supply these desiderata, as regards the con- 
cluding part of the colonists' history, nor, indeed, does that we now 
publish, which is substantially the basis or Sti*achey's account. We 
shall yet have to wait patiently for the letters or journals of other 
colonists, namely, John Eliot, George Popham, Raleigh Gilbert, and 
Edward Harlow, seen by Purchas, to come to light. 

We now extract for publication, as an aj^pendix to the foregoing 
narrative of the Sagadahoc Colony, the several accounts named above, 
in order that the reader may have before him all the original sources 
of information that our early chronicles afford. In the editorial 
Preface, we have already made several extracts from these accounts. 
We also append a brief extract from Sir William Alexander's " En- 
couragement to Colonies." 

B. F. D. 



38 



From Sir Ferdinando Gorges' s " Brief Narration''' London, 1 658, 

fj). 8-10. 

" The Despatch of the First Plantation, for the Second Colony sent from 

Plymouth." 

"By the same authority all things fully agreed upon between both 
the Colonies, the Lord Chief Justice [Popham], his friends and asso- 
ciates of the West Country, sent frotn Plymouth Captain Popham as 
president for that employment, with Captain Kawley Gilbert and divers 
otiier gentlemen of note in three sail of ships* with one hundred land- 
men, for the seizing such a place as they were directed unto by the 
Council of that colony, who departed from the coast of England the 
one and thirtieth day of May, a. d. 1 607, and arrived at their rendez- 
vous the 8th of August following ; as soon as the president had taken 
notice of the place, and given order for landing the provisions, he 
despatched away Captain Gilbert, with Skitwarres his guide, for the 
thorough discovery of the rivers and habitations of the natives, by 
whom he was brought to several of them, where he found civil enter- 
tainment, and kind respects, far from brutish or savage natures, so as 
they suddenly became familiar friends, especially by the means of 
Dehamda and Skitwarrers, who Iiad been in England; Dehamda being 
sent by tlie Lord Chief Justice with Captain Prin, and Skitwarres by 
me in company, so as the president was earnestly entreated by Sasse- 
now, Aberemet, and others the principal Sagamores (as they call their 
great lords), to go to the Bashabas, who, it seems, was their king, and 
held a state agreeable, expecting that all strangers should have their 
address to him, not he to them. 

" To whom the president would have gone after several invitations, 
but was hindered by cross winds and foul weather, so as he was 
forced to return back, without making good what he had promised, 
much to the grief of those Sagamores that were to attend him. The 
Bashabas notwithstanding, hearing of his misfortune, sent his own son 
to visit him, and to beat a trade with him for furs. H'ow it suc- 
ceeded, I could not understand, for that the ships were to be despatched 
away for England, ths winter being already come ; for it was the 
fifteenth day of December before they set sail to return, who brought 
with them the success of what had past in that employment, which so 
soon as it came to the Lord Chief Justice's hands, he gave out order to 
the council for sending them back with supplies necessary.f 

"The sup{)lies being furnished and all things ready only attending 
for a fair wind, which happened not before the news of the Chief 
Justice's deatii was posted to them to be transported to the discomfort 
of the poor planters ; but the ships arriving there in good time was a 

* Strachey, and our narrative, which he used, and the "Brief Relation," say 
two ships. — B. F. I). 

t Sir Ferdinando's memory is here at fault. Cliief Justice Popham had died 
as early as tlie 7tli June, 1007, a week only after the expedition sailed for 
Sagadalioc. His son, Sir Francis Popham, interested liimself in sending tiie 
supplies. Stracliey speaks of but one ship being despatched for England, the 
"Mary and John." — B. F. D. 



I 

39 

great refreshing to those that had had their storehouse and most of 
their provisions burnt the winter before. 

" Besides that, they were strangely perplexed with the great and 
unseasonable cold they suffered with that extremity, as the likt' hath 
not been heard of since, and it seems was universal, it being the same 
year that our Thames was so locked up that they built their boats 
upon it, and sold provisions of several sorts to those tiiat delighted in 
tiie novelties of the times. But the miseries they had past were 
nothing to that they suffered by the disastrous news they received of 
the death of the Lord Chief Justice, that suddenly followed the death 
of their president ; but the latter was not so strange, in that he was 
well stricken in years before he went, and had long been an infirm 
man. Howsoever heartened by hopes, willing he was to die in acting 
something that might be serviceable to God, and honorable to his 
country, but that of the death of the Chief Justice was such a corrosive 
to all as struck them with despair of future remedy, and it was the 
more augmented, when they heard of the [death of] Sir John Gilbert, 
elder brother of Ralph Gilbert* that was then their president, a man 
worthy to be beloved of them all for his industry and care for their 
well being. The president was to return to settle the estate his brother 
had left him, upon which all resolved to quit the place, and with one 
consent to [come] away, by which means all our former hopes were 
frozen to death, though iSir Francis Popham could not so give it over, 
but continued to send thither several years after in hope of better 
fortunes, but found it fruitless, and was necessitated at last to sit down 
with the loss he had ali'eady undergone. 

"Although I was interested in all those misfortunes, and found it 
wholly given over by the body of the adventurers, as well for that 
they had lost the principal sui)port of the design, as also that the 
country itself was branded by the return of the plantation, as being 
over-cold, and in respect of that, not habitable by our nation. 

" Besides, they understood it to be a task too great for particular 
persons to undertake, though the country itself, the rivers, havens, 
harbors, upon that coast might in time prove profitable to us. 

" These last acknowledgments bound me confidently to prosecute 
my first resolution, not doubting but God would effect that which man 
despaired of, as for those reasons, the causes of others' discouragements, 
the first onl}^ was given to me, in that I had lost so noble a friend, 
and my nation so worthy a subject. As for the coldness of the clime, I 
had had too much experience in the world to be frightened with such 
a blast, as knowing many great kingdoms and large territories more 
northerly seated, and by many degrees colder than the clime from 
whence they came, yet plentifully inhabited, and divers of them stored 
with no better commodities from trade and conuiierce than those parts 
afforded, if like industry, art, and labor be used, for the last I had no 
reason greatly to despair of means when God should be pleased, by 
our ordinary frequenting that country, to make it appear, it would 

* Rawley Gilbert. — B. F. D. 



40 

yield both profit and content to as many as aimed thereat, these being 
truly, for the most part, the motives that all men labor, howsoever 
otherwise adjoined, with fair colors and goodly shadows." 

From '■'•A Brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New 
England^ London, 1G22, jojo. 2-4.* 

" Hereui^ou Captain Popham, Captain Rawley Gilbert, and others 
were sent away with two shijjs and an hundied landmen, ordnance, 
and other provisions necessary for their sustentation and defence, 
until other supply might be sent. In tiie mean whiles before they 
could return, it pleased God to take from us this worthy member, the 
Lord Chief Justice, whose sudden death did so astonish the hearts of 
the most part of the adventurers, as some grew cold, and some did 
wholly abandon the business. Yet Sir Francis Popham, his son, cer- 
tain of his private friends, and other of us, omitted not the next year, 
holding on our first resolution, to join in sending forth a new supply, 
which was accordingly jierformed. 

" But the ships arriving there did not only bring uncomfortable 
news of the death of the Lord Chief Justice, together w^ith the death of 
Sir John Gilbert, the elder brother unto Captain Rawley Gilbert, who 
at that time was president of that council, but found that the old 
Captain Popham was also dead ; who Avas the only man, indeed, that 
died there that winter, wherein they endured the greater extremities ; 
for that in the depth thereof, their lodgings and stores were burnt, 
and they thereby wonclrously distressed. 

" This calamity and evil news, together with the resolution that 
Captain Gilbert was forced to take for his own return (in that he was 
to succeed his brother in the inheritance of his lands in England), 
made the whole company to resolve upon nothing but their return with 
the ships ; and for that present to leave the country again, having in 
the time of their abode there (notwithstanding the coldness of the 
season, and the small help they had), built a pretty bark of their 
own, which served them to good purpose, as easing them in their 
returning. 

" The arrival of these people here in England was a wonderful dis- 
couragement to all the first undertakers, insomuch as there was no 
more speech of settling any other plantation in those parts for a long 
time after ; only Sir Francis Popham having the ships and provision 
which remained of the company, and supplying what was necessary 
for his purpose, sent divers times to the coasts for trade and fishing; 
of whose loss or gains himself is best able to give account. 

* After relating tlie sending out of Captain Henry Cliallons, whose voyage 
•was " overtln-own "; and the despatch of Captain Thomas Hanain, to " second " 
Challons, who couUl not he found ; and that the Lord Chief Justice Popham, and 
Ills associates, on Ihmain's favorable report of the country, " waxed so confident 
of the business, that tlie year foUowing every man of any worth, formerly inter- 
ested in it, was willing to join in the charge for sending over a competent num- 
ber of people to lay tlie ground of a hopeful plantation," the narrative proceeds 
as above. — B. F. 1). 



41 

" Our people abandoning the plantation in this sort as you have 
heard, the Fi-enchmen immediately took the opportunity to settle them- 
selves within our limits." * 

From Captain John Smith's '■'■ Gcnerall Historic of New England,'" fol. 
London, 1Q24, pp. 203, 204. 

" Concerning this History you are to understand the letters-patents 
granted by his Majesty in 1G06, for the limitation of Virginia, did 
extend from 34° to 44°, which was divided in two parts ; namely, 
the first colony and the second. The first was to the honorable city 
of London, and such as would adventure with them to discover and 
take their choice where they would, betwixt the degrees of 34 and 41. 
The second was appropriated to the cities of Bristol, Exeter, and 
Plimotli, &c., and the west parts of England, and all those that 
would adventure and join with them, and they might make their 
choice anywhere betwixt the degrees of 38 and 44, provided there 
shoidd be at least one hundred miles distance betwixt these two colo- 
nies, each of which had laws, privileges, and authority for the govern- 
ment, and advancing their several plantations alike. Now this part 
of America hath formerly been called Norumbega, Virginia, Nus- 
koncus, Penaquida, Cannada, and such other names as those that ranged 
the coast pleased. But because it was so mountainous, rocky, and full 
of isles, few have adventured much to trouble it, but as is formerly 
related ; notwithstanding, that honorable patron of virtue, Sir John 
Popham, Lord Chief Justice of England, in the year 1606, procured 
means and men to possess it, and sent Captain George Popham for 
President ; Captain Rawley Gilbert for Admiral ; Captain Edward 
Harlow, INIaster of the Ordnance ; Captain Robert Davis, Sergeant- 
Major; Captain Elis Best, Marshal; Master Seaman, Secretary; 
Captain James Davis to be Captain of the Fort; Master Gome Carew, 
Chief Searcher. All those were of the Council, who, with some 
hundred more, were to stay in the country. They set sail from 
Plimouth the last of May, and fell with Monahigan the 11th of 
August. At Sagadahock, nine or ten leagues southward, they planted 
themselves at the mouth of a fair, navigable river, but the coast all 
thereabouts most extreme stony and rocky ; that extreme frozen 
winter was so cold they could not range nor search the country, and 
their provision so small, they were glad to send all but forty-five of their 
company back again. Their noble president, Captain Popham, died, 
and not long after arrived two ships well provided of all necessaries 
to supply them, and some small time after another,! by whom under- 



* The narrative then proceeds to speak of Argall's expedition, in which lie 
proceeded " to displace" the Frenchmen who had built forts at "Mount Man- 
sell, Saint Croix, and l^ort Keall." — E. F. D. 

t Strachey, p. 179, speaks of but one ship returning to the colony with sup- 
plies, that commanded by Captain (Robert) Davics, adding, that iu this sliip 
and the new pinnace, tlie "Virginia," the colony "all embarked" for Eng- 
land. — B. F. D. 

6 



42 

standing of the death of the Lord Chief Justice, and also of Sir John 
Gilbert, whose lands there the president, Rawley Gilbert, was to 
possess, according to the adventurer's directions, finding nothing but 
extreme extremities, they all returned for England in the year IGOS, 
and thus this plantation was begun and ended in one year, and the 
country esteemed as a cold, barren, mountainous, rocky desert." 

From Purchass ^^ Pilgrimage" London, 1614, jo. 756.* 

"a. D. 1607, was settled a plantation in the River Sagadahoc; tlie 
ships called the "Gift" and the "Mary and John,t being sent tliither by 
that famous English Justicer, Sir John Popham, and others. Tiiey found 
this coast of Virginia full of islands, but safe. They chose the place of 
their plantation at the mouth of Sagadahoc, in a westerly peninsula : 
there heard a sermon, read their patent and laws, and built a fort. 
They sailed np to discover the river and country, and encountered 
with an island where was a great fall of water, over which they hauled 
their boat with a rope, and came to another fall, shallow, swift, and 
unpassable. They found the country stored with grapes, white and 
red, good hops, onions, garlic, oaks, walnuts, the soil good. The head 
of the river is in forty-five and odd minutes. Cape Siniearais in 43° 
30', a good place to fortify. Their fort bare name of Saint George. 
Forty-live remained there,| Captain George Popham being President, 
Raleigh Gilbert, Admiral. The people seemed affected with our men's 
devotions, and would say King James is a good king, his God a good 
God, and Tauto naught. So they call an evil spirit which haunts them 
every moon, and makes them worship him for fear. He commanded 
them not to dwell near or come among the English, threatening to 
kill some and inflict sickness on others, beginning with two of their 
Sagamos children, saying he had power, and would do the like to the 
English tlie next moon, to wit, in December. 

*' The people § told our men of cannibals, near Sagadahoc, with 
teeth three inches long, but they saw them not. In the river of 
Tamescot they found oysters nine inches in length ; and were told that 
on the other side there were twice as great. On the 18th of .January 
they had, in seven hours' space, thunder, lightning, rain, frost, snow, 
all in abundance, the last continuing. On February 5 the president 
died. The savages remove their dwellings in winter nearest the deer. 
They have a kind of shoes a yard long, fourteen inches broad, made 
like a racket, with strong twine or sinews of a deer ; in the midst is a 
hole wherein they put their foot, buckling it fast. When a Sagamos 
dieth they black themselves, and at the same time yearly renew their 
mourning with great howling; as they then did for Kashurakeny, who 

* In the margin of the book from which this account is taken, Purclias 
places liis autiiorities. We have therefore phiced those names at foot, leading 
from tlie words in the text as they are given in Purchas. — B. F. D. 

t James Davies. 

X Jo. Eliot. G. Pop. Let. to S. I., Gilbert and E. S. 

§ Kal. Gilbert. 



43 

die-l the year before. They report that the cannibals have a saa 
behind them. They found a bath two miles about, so hot that they 
could not drink it. Mr. Patteson was slain by the savages of Nanhoc, 
a river of the Tarentines. Their short commons* caused fear of 
mutiny. One of the savages, called Aminquin, for a straw hat and 
knife given him, stripped himself of his clothing of beaver's skins, worth 
in E^ngland fifty shillings or three pounds, to present them to the presi- 
dent, leaving only a flap to cover his privities. He would also have 
come with them for England. In winter they are poorf and weak, 
and do not then company with their wives, but in summer when they 
are fat and lusty. But your eyes wearied with this Northern view, 
which in that winter communicated with us in extremity of cold, look 
now for greater hopes in the Southern Plantation, as the right arm of 
this Virginian body, with greater costs and numbers furnished from 
hence. "t 

From Sir William Alexander's " Encouragement to Colonies,''^ S^c. 
London, ] 024, -p. 30. § 

"That which is now called New England was first comprehended 
within the patent of Virginia, being the north-east part thereof. It was 
undertaken in a patent by a company of gentlemen in the west of Eng- 
land, one of whom was Sir John Popham, then chief justice, who sent 
the first company that went of purpose to inhabit there near to Saga- 
dahoc ; but those that went thither, being pressed to that enterprise, as 
endangered by the law, or by their own necessities (no enforced thing 
proving pleasant, discontented persons suffering, while as they act can 
seldom have good success and never satisfaction), they after a winter 
stay, dreaming to tliemselves of new hopes at home, returned back 
witli the first occasion, and to justify the suddenness of their return, 
they did coin many excuses, burdening the bounds where they had 
been with all the aspersions that possibly could devise, seeking by 
that means to discourage all others, whose provident forwardness 
importuning a good success, might make their base sluggishness for 
abandoning the beginning of a good work to be the more condemned." 

* Edward Harley. 

+ Otlier notes ap. Hak. 

J This extract was first piiblislied in this, the second edition, of the "Pil- 
grimage " ; also in the third edition, 1G17, and in the fourtii, 1(52(3. A copy of 
tiiis last edition usually accompanies the four volumes of Purchas's " Pilgrims," 
London, 1625, another work, and is commonly cited as vol. v. of that book. — 
B. F. D. 

§ In printing this extract from Sir William Alexander, we would remark, 
that the phrase " endangered by the law," might refer to poor debtors, and does 
not necessarily imply that the Sagadahoc colonists, or any part of them, were 
criminals. We have seen no evidence that they bore that character, and no 
laws existed at that time authorizing the transportation of criminals to Virginia. 
— B. F. D. 



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